Religion, Nationalism, and Terror

Tali Farkash, Who is a haredi? Ynetnews, Nov. 7, 2008

Meretz MK Tzvia Greenfield cannot call herself a haredi and at the same time support her party’s platform.

“Say, is she really haredi?” a non-religious colleague asked me yesterday. “The one from Meretz, the one who said Shulamit Aloni was a great Torah scholar, you know, the one who’s a member of B’Tselem and everything, it says that she’s haredi. Is it true?”

I gave her a lame excuse to avoid answering the question, because the truth was I wasn’t certain myself. The question of “Who is a haredi” once again occupies the ultra-Orthodox public these days. The swearing-in of Tzvia Greenfield to the Knesset this week as Meretz’s sixth MK brought back to life an ancient debate. The “Tzvia Phenomenon” (there’s no other way to put this), has already baffled quite a few Israeli citizens, haredim and seculars alike. The incomprehensible combination of a heretical agenda and a God-fearing haredi is hard to digest.

Many people, including me, fail to understand how it is possible to bridge the gap between the views shared by Meretz voters, who believe that the Bible is a collection of folklore tales, and haredim who believe it is the divine word of God.

But on the brink of the abyss between the two sides stands Tzvia, one foot here and the other there, and with impressive skill manages to feel like she is part of both sides at the same time.

It appears that a PhD in philosophy, like Greenfield has, is necessary in order to bridge this impossible gap.

To be honest, I do not presume to be able to put together complex sociological tests and determine the criteria for being a haredi. So, what was it that bothered me so much about Greenfield and made me label her a stranger to the haredi camp?

Well, I could live with the fact that sheowns a dog as a pet, although with us fish and birds are more popular. I can also forgive the television set at her house. Many good haredim own one, although I will never let one cross my doorstep. I can live with her definition of the Zaka organization as “necrophilia lovers.” Why be petty? Even her impression that haredi women are “ignorant creatures, baby-making machines” is insulting but not impossible to swallow.

Not this

But neither I nor you, Tzvia, can sanction, in the name of God almighty, the desecration of the Shabbat, bringing illegitimate children into the world, homosexuality, abortions, and any other bone of contention between believers and heretics. Issues that are an inseparable part of your party’s platform, and let me give you a little hint, Tzvia – they don’t quite adhere to the Torah’s views on these matters.

The New Jewish Terrorism, By Sadie Goldman with IPF Staff, Israel Policy Forum
October 16, 2008/Volume 6.39

One of the settlers pulled out a knife, pressed it to the neck of the company commander and said: ‘well, what will you do now, Nazi?’

Attacks on Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians by West Bank settlers, like this one described by an Israeli reservist after the evacuation last month of the West Bank outpost Yad Yair, have nearly doubled in 2008 from 291 incidents in 2007 to 222 in the first half of 2008, according to a recent UN report. In the last month, the number of attacks has skyrocketed. Israeli attempts to evacuate West Bank outposts in Yitzhar, Yad Yair, and Shvut Ami have been met with groups of settlers—many of them teenagers—throwing stones, yelling curses, vandalizing cars, and worse.

The roughly 100 West Bank outposts are settlements unauthorized by the Israeli government. They usually start as either uninhabited trailers or small mobile-home communities that are meant to be used as bargaining chips with the government: “we’ll evacuate from here if you let us stay there.” These outposts are usually deep in the West Bank, far from the area that Israel would like to incorporate into its territory as part of a final peace deal, and are often built on hills that overlook Palestinian towns and villages.

The settler violence has not been random but rather coordinated in advance. As Israeli soldiers were making their way to Yad Yair, two hundred settlers were already on the scene. Text messages were sent to thousands of settlers calling on them to stop the evacuation, the daily Yediot Acharonoth reported.

In response to the removal of the settler installations at Yad Yair, settlers not only attacked soldiers who were removing the outpost’s trailers, but also launched retaliatory attacks against Palestinians in several West Bank cities and towns. Israeli newspapers reported that settlers attacked Israeli soldiers in Talmon, threw stones at Arab vehicles in Yad Yair and at Palestinian civilians in Hebron, and set fire to fields near the settlement of Yitzhar.

The recent West Bank riots have been followed by brazen threats of more to come. Extremist leaders have been promoting a retaliation doctrine they have labeled the “price tag.” Twenty-four year old, New York-born Akiva HaCohen, who is considered an architect of the price tag doctrine and one of the leaders of the violent outpost movement, has called on settlers to respond “whenever, wherever, and however.” Radical settler leader, Daniella Weiss, has also warned that there will be a response to evacuating outposts throughout the West Bank.

Biography / The making of a dove – Haaretz, October 12, 2008
By Yair Sheleg

Be’emunato: Sipuro shel harav yehuda amital (Be’emunato: The Story of Rabbi Yehuda Amital), by Elyashiv Reichner
Yedioth Ahronoth Books and Chemed Books, 301 pages, NIS 98

Over the years, Rabbi Yehuda Amital, head of the Har Etzion hesder yeshiva (where students combine compulsory military service with their Talmudic studies) in Alon Shvut, has become one of the rabbis that even secular Jews (including those on the left) love to love. There are two reasons for this. For one, he has a sunny personality. Even more critical, however, are his political views.

It was Rabbi Amital who in the late 1980s founded the Meimad movement, which, from its inception, has advocated moderation in both the religious and political spheres. Nor is he afraid to attack his colleagues, who are rabbis affiliated with the right-wing religious Zionist camp, for their views.

Journalist Elyashiv Reichner’s biography of Amital, 83, unfolds the fascinating, complex story of this man. For many years, he taught at Yeshivat Hadarom in Rehovot, which was headed by his father-in-law, until, in 1965, he decided to move to Jerusalem. Two years later, he was offered a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. It was in the period immediately following the Six-Day War, and the leaders of the movement to renew Jewish settlement in Gush Etzion, in the West Bank south of Jerusalem, were inviting him to head the yeshiva that they were establishing there. (I myself studied at that yeshiva under Amital’s leadership.)

The book speaks extensively of Amital’s personality and educational approach, for good reason. These are the real reasons he is so beloved by students and friends alike, including those who disagree with his views. Amital is an open-minded, original thinker, difficult to pigeonhole, and his character is reflected in his work as an educator.

Unlike so many rabbis and yeshiva heads, Amital explicitly discourages his students from following in his footsteps. Students frequently pepper him with questions unrelated to issues of Jewish law, and he always responds, gently but firmly, that they should think out the matter for themselves. Even on issues of Jewish law, he has been known to advise the inquirer to investigate the problem independently by consulting the sources. He always emphasizes that he is not interested in producing “Amital look-alikes.”

He has the reputation of being a determined optimist. Reichner relates that, on one occasion, when the rabbi’s daughter earned a score of only 50 percent on an exam, he consoled her: “Don’t feel bad. At least you knew half the material.”

As a Holocaust survivor (Amital was born in Hungary in 1924, and lost his entire family in Auschwitz), his attitude toward that subject is sincere and does not smack of self-righteousness: For instance, he has no difficulty acknowledging that he cannot answer why the Holocaust occurred, and he is furious with those who try to do so. The late Israeli poet Abba Kovner, himself a Holocaust survivor and a leader of Jewish resistance forces in the Vilna Ghetto, once asked Amital how he could still believe in God after the Shoah. Amital replied, “And how can you still believe in humanity after the Holocaust? After all, no one pretends to be able to understand God, yet we supposedly understand other human beings.”

Prof. Sternhell: Supporters of occupation are not Zionist – Haaretz, September 29, 2008
By Akiva Eldar

Professor Zeev Sternhell’s house on Jerusalem’s Agnon Street is easily located by the iron gate with the broken glass. Sternhell says the bombing could have ended with him having to have both legs amputated.

Fortunately, last Thursday night he and his wife Ziva had returned from abroad and their suitcases, left in the narrow hallway, separated him and the pipe bomb that had been attached to the door.

The living room is filled with flowers and the telephone doesn’t stop ringing. The news is quoting ministers’ statements from the cabinet meeting.

Sternhell, while still in the hospital, drew a direct line between the state’s surrender to the extreme right rampaging in the territories and the terrorist or organization that tried to kill him.

“What are those ministers talking about,” he asks, when Vice Premier Haim Ramon blasts the government on the television news for fearing “those hooligans,” as Ramon called them.

Sternhell: “Who has to deal with the outposts? Me? You? Who’s to blame for the semi-autonomous state in the territories? Groups of settlers do whatever they feel like. Police officers and reserve soldiers go home with broken arms. How did they let things deteriorate to this lack of control in the West Bank? I told my students that not intervening for a weak child who needs help against a strong child is intervening for the strong child. Whoever fails to enforce the law and protect the Palestinians from the settlers who attack them is cooperating with the hooligans and lawbreakers.”

Carlo Strenger, I accuse, Haaretz, September 28, 2008
I accuse
By Carlo Strenger

On the night between September 24 and 25, it happened again. Prof. Zeev Sternhell, an internationally acclaimed political scientist and historian, recipient of this year’s Israel Prize for political science, was wounded by explosives put at his doorstep. As yet, we do not know who the perpetrators were, but whoever they will turn out to be, there are those who should wonder what is their part of the responsibility for this despicable act.

I accuse those Jews, inside Israel and outside, who run websites that track “dangerous left-wing intellectuals” in Israel. They call people like Zeev Sternhell “anti-Semitic,” “self-hating Jews” and “enemies of Israel.”

I accuse those in the Israeli right who turn a blind eye and a deaf ear to those among them who say that the law does not apply to them; to the settlers who break Israeli and international law and moral values on a daily basis, who harass Palestinians, beat them and sometimes murder them. The right-wing establishment is forgiving toward them. “Aren’t they idealists? Don’t they do what they do because of lofty ideals, because of the holiness of the Land of Israel?”

I accuse not only those who performed religious rituals condemning Yitzhak Rabin to death; not only those who carried posters of Rabin clad in SS uniform at demonstrations. I also accuse those who created the atmosphere that allowed for it, continued to speak at the demonstrations, and after Rabin was killed said they hadn’t seen the posters.

I accuse those who claim that they – and they alone – represent Israel, its true interests and the Jewish-Israeli soul; who claim that anybody who has a different view of what is good for Israel are enemies who endanger Israel. To them applies the verse from Deuteronomy 33:9: “Who said of his father, and of his mother: ‘I have not seen him;’ neither did he acknowledge his brethren, nor knew he his own children; for they have observed Thy word, and keep Thy covenant.”

This verse attacks the fanaticism of the tribe of Levi, that like its mythical forefather, thought it could kill in the name of ideals that it had given absolute validity.

I accuse those who implicitly condone the acts of extremists by not saying that they are out of the question. They create the atmosphere that leads people like Yona Avrushmi and Yigal Amir to their murderous acts, and the perpetrators of last week’s terror act to attack Zeev Sternhell.

Israel is a young democracy torn apart by conflicting values, by conflicting views about religion, a country that has yet to find its identity. Trenchant disputes, searching discussion and hard criticism of those on the opposing side are part and parcel of a liberal democracy.

Hate-speech that legitimizes blood-feud and rituals that condemn to death those who think differently are neither part of legitimate democratic discourse, nor part of a civilization that we want to belong to (never mind whether the prime minister or an academic who voices his views).

Let us not forget that Israel, rightly, demands of the Palestinians to stop its schools from inculcating hatred for Israel. The West, rightly, demands that Islamic authorities condemn the hate speeches of Imams who call for the extinction of Israel and conquest of the infidel world. We demand this, because we know that words create reality; injunctions to violence in the end find their ways into the hearts of fanatics who will put these words into practice.

So why should we apply a different standard to Jews who do the same thing? Why should we accept that Jews who call for violence, Jews who in the name of their ideals allow for the blood of their ideological opponents to be shed?

For too long the Israeli Right has taken a forgiving attitude toward its ‘wild weeds.’ For too long it has used extremists to present its own views as acceptable mainstream.

Who is Zeev Sternhell? He is a holocaust survivor who called himself a ’super-Zionist’ in a recent interview; an IDF officer who fought in three of Israel’s wars. Yes, he thinks that the occupation is a cancer that eats the soul of Israel; yes, he said that Palestinians should only attack Israelis who live in the West Bank and not inside the Green Line. He has said, time and again, that he is afraid Israel will not survive because of the occupation, and that he is worried for his children and grandchildren, because he wants them to be able to live in Israel. And he expressed empathy for the Palestinian struggle. That’s why he was attacked.

It has happened again; I wish Professor Sternhell quick recovery and a happy New Year. But I may not be able to express such wishes to the next victim.

I accuse!

Prof. Carlo Strenger, a philosopher and psychoanalyst, teaches at the psychology department of Tel Aviv University and is a member of the Permanent Monitoring Panel on Terrorism of the World Federation of Scientists.

Rabbi Aviner: Women must not wear pants even when alone, Ynetnews, May 2, 2008

One of Religious Zionism’s most prominent leaders defines trousers as a ’self-prohibition,’ says women ‘must dress modestly also when alone and in the dark’

Women must not wear pants even when they are home alone, Rabbi Shlomi Aviner has ruled.

Aviner, Beit El’s rabbi and one of Religious Zionism’s most prominent leaders, was asked in a cellular Q&A session published in the “Small World” bulletin, “When a girl goes to relieve herself at night, is she allowed to say the ‘Asher Yatzar’ (’he who formed’) prayer while wearing a short-sleeved shirt and trousers?”

The rabbi replied that it is permitted to say the prayer in such a case, but added that “in general, a woman must always wear modest clothes even when she is alone and in the dark, because the Holy one blessed be he is everywhere. And yes, trousers are a self-prohibition even when a woman is alone.”

I read Haaretz because of people like Akiva Eldar, Amira Hass, Gideon Levy, Danny Rubinstein, Tom Segev–and Daniel Ben-Simon. No one has described Israel’s “development towns” and the everyday lives of poor Mizrahim (Jews of Middle Eastern origin) more eloquently than he has.

Daniel Ben-Simon: Why I’m leaving journalism for politics – Haaretz, June 13, 2008

I don’t know when it happened. Maybe on that day when the composition teacher was handing back eighth-grade essays. He went from student to student, making comments and returning graded papers. He skipped only me. We sat straight and tense, as befitted students at the Ecole Normale Hebraique boarding school in Casablanca, Morocco, considered the country’s best.

I didn’t know what to do with myself. Was the teacher about to humiliate me? And then he stood up and read my entire essay out loud to the class. It was about a classmate who had disappeared secretly from school, as if the earth had swallowed him, until I found out he had gone to the Holy Land with his family.

“I don’t know what you want to be when you grow up,” Solly Levy told me after reading my essay, “but if you’ll pardon me, I suggest you become a journalist or an author.” The idea had never before occurred to me, but after that, nothing could deter me.

Immigrating to Israel, and particularly the absorption experience, shaped my journalism, positioning me on the underside of Israeli society. I spent my first years here in the company of students whose choppy Hebrew attested to their incomplete integration. They were sent to agricultural boarding schools to acquire vocational skills. They studied welding, mechanics and farming. Only a few got to study academic subjects.

Shtrasler, Herzl is turning in his grave, Haaretz, March 14, 2008

Shas once understood that it was undesirable to impose its worldview on the majority, that it was preferable to use friendly persuasion. Today Shas wants to change the country’s image. Yishai has become an expert at extortion, and Olmert is willing to pay. He is buying Shas with money and benefits, as well as laws and regulations that are changing the country’s character.

About two months ago Olmert agreed to reestablish the Religious Affairs Ministry for Shas. A few days ago he transferred NIS 450 million to Shas, a political gift to fund the yeshiva students, and recently he gave Rafael Pinhasi, one of the Shas strongmen (a former MK, with a criminal conviction) the position of chair of the Tel Aviv cemeteries council. More power, more money and more appointments.

Recently there was a dangerous proposal made in cooperation with Social Affairs Minister Isaac Herzog of Labor – which almost passed in the cabinet – to expand the powers of the rabbinical courts, according to a demand by Shas. Recently a Shas draft bill to restrict surfing the Internet passed its first reading, and the Shas minister of communications, Big Brother Ariel Atias, will be the chief censor. Just like Saudi Arabia.

Shas is currently promoting a draft bill that will restrict the right to an abortion, and an arrangement to censor billboards so that “immodest models” will not be seen on them.

Olmert also agreed to establish a team of ministers headed by Yishai to examine an increase in child allowances, and recently the government decided to establish a state conversion authority. By demand of Shas, the government allowed it to appoint its own dayanim (rabbinical court judges) to the conversion courts.

We are gradually and systematically losing the modern Western country in which we were educated. Olmert is selling the principles of humanism, tolerance, freedom and civil rights to Yishai in a liquidation sale.

Gorenberg, Jews – Marriage – Israel – New York Times, March 2, 2008

One day last fall, a young Israeli woman named Sharon went with her fiancé to the Tel Aviv Rabbinate to register to marry. They are not religious, but there is no civil marriage in Israel. The rabbinate, a government bureaucracy, has a monopoly on tying the knot between Jews. The last thing Sharon expected to be told that morning was that she would have to prove — before a rabbinic court, no less — that she was Jewish. It made as much sense as someone doubting she was Sharon, telling her that the name written in her blue government-issue ID card was irrelevant, asking her to prove that she was she.

Sharon is a small woman in her late 30s with shoulder-length brown hair. For privacy’s sake, she prefers to be identified by only her first name. She grew up on a kibbutz when kids were still raised in communal children’s houses. She has two brothers who served in Israeli combat units. She loved the green and quiet of the kibbutz but was bored, and after her own military service she moved to the big city, which is the standard kibbutz story. Now she is a Tel Aviv professional with a master’s degree, a job with a major H.M.O. and a partner — when this story starts, a fiancé — who is “in computers.”

This stereotypical biography did not help her any more at the rabbinate than the line on her birth certificate listing her nationality as Jewish. Proving you are Jewish to Israel’s state rabbinate can be difficult, it turns out, especially if you came to Israel from the United States — or, as in Sharon’s case, if your mother did.

Israeli MP blames quakes on gays, BBC, Feb. 20, 2008

An Israeli MP has blamed parliament’s tolerance of gays for earthquakes that have rocked the Holy Land recently.

Shlomo Benizri, of the ultra-Orthodox Jewish Shas Party, said the tremors had been caused by lawmaking that gave “legitimacy to sodomy”.

Israel decriminalised homosexuality in 1988 and has since passed several laws recognising gay rights.

Two earthquakes shook the region last week and a further four struck in November and December.

A law contrived in secret – Haaretz, Feb. 21, 2008

Following 60 years since the historic error of not separating religion from the state, the government is now expanding the authority of religion in the judiciary. Instead of heading the opposite way and taking away from the rabbinical courts their monopoly in matters of marriage and divorce, the state is now granting them further decision making powers in civil matters.

According to the bill prepared by the ministerial committee on legislation, the citizens of Israel will not be able to choose what kind of court will deliberate their disputes on capital, property and contracts. Will they choose to be judged according to the law of the Torah, or according to the law of the Knesset? All this was contrived nearly in total secret in the prime ministers bureau, in order to please Shas, with the assistance of ministers Yitzhak Herzog and Ruhama Avraham.

This superfluous piece of proposed legislation is even being presented as an achievement to womens organizations, because it blocked a much worse bill. This distortion of the facts is nothing more than a rude spin.

Over the years, the rabbinical courts have taken upon themselves authority that had not been granted to them by law, and transformed themselves into arbitrators and judges in a variety of matters. Two years ago, Supreme Court Justice Ayala Procaccia ruled that the rabbinical courts are delving in areas that are beyond their authority. Since then, Shas tried to overturn that ruling and to anchor the practice already rejected by law, which would allow the rabbis to rule also on civil matters and not only on marriage and divorce.

Two Ultra-Orthodox Men In Jerusalem

Tamar Rotem, Beit Hakerem – The last secular holdout in Jerusalem – Haaretz, Feb. 20, 2008

It took about a decade for the small north-Jerusalem neighborhood of Givat Hamivtar to change its skin. Now, after most of its well-to-do secular households have been replaced with ultra-Orthodox families, the metamorphosis seems almost complete.

For Yael Bar-On, the decision to leave was made four years ago, when it came time to enroll her 6-year-old son for elementary school. That presented a problem, because by then, the Bar-Ons were among the few remaining secular families in the neighborhood.

“The population of young couples with children had slowly disappeared,” she recalled recently. “Only the older residents remained. The neighborhood’s kindergarten and its secular schools just kept losing students.”

Increasingly, the families replaced those who departed came from Ramot Eshkol, the Haredi neighborhood to Givat Hamivtar’s west. Since the latter half of the 1990s, many relatively well-off people from Ramot Eshkol began buying homes in the secular neighborhood.

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REFRACTED VISION: n Analysis of Religious-Secular Tensions in Israel
Ahava (Laura) Zarembski

A rise in tensions between the religious and secular Jewish communities in
Israel over the past thirty years is having a negative affect on Jewish social
cohesion and social morale. The problem is critical for its own sake and in the
context of the nation relating to its security-related crises. Yet the rise in
tensions between Haredi, Religious-Zionist, and Secular communities is
occurring against what the Louis Guttman reports revealed to be a backdrop of
relatively steady, nonpolarizing religious practice in Israel.¹ What then is
causing the rise in tensions if not changing religious practice? How does it relate
to Israel’s diverse conglomerate of religious-traditional-secular-alternative
religious behavior? How is Israel to address the declining religious-secular
relationship? To do so, there needs to be an intricate understanding of the causes
of and influences on the growing divide as well as a projection of where the
nation ought to be going.

To help facilitate this complex endeavor of addressing religious-secular
relations, the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies has undertaken a two part
series dealing with the various elements contributing to Israel’s religious-secular
divide.

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A PORTRAIT OF ISRAELI JEWRY: Beliefs, Observances, and Values among
Israeli Jews 2 0 0 0
Shlomit Levy Hanna Levinsohn Elihu Katz
Highlights from an In-Depth Study conducted by the Guttman Center of the Israel Democracy Institute
for The AVI CHAI Foundation

The Israel Democracy Institute and The AVI CHAI Foundation
June 2002

In attack-conscious Israel, even a crematorium needs protection – Haaretz, February 6, 2008

In terrorism-conscious Israel, security has been beefed up even for the crematorium of a company providing Israelis a choice of burial services, but the potential assailants are apparently Jews.

The firm, called Aley Shalechet (”Autumn Leaves”), was the first company in Israel to offer “alternative burial services,” notably cremation.

In August 2007, a day after the location of the company’s crematorium was revealed in an ultra-Orthodox newspaper, unknown assailants broke into the grounds of the firm on Moshav Hibat Zion and torched its facilities, causing serious damage to the crematorium, and igniting a public debate on burial services outside the Orthodox Jewish norm.

No one has been charged in the relation to the arson, though Yehuda Meshi-Zahav, founder and public face of the ultra-Orthodox ZAKA rescue service an the self-styled operations officer of the Eda Haredit religious organization, was temporarily detained by police after reports surfaced that he was seen at the site the morning of the crime.

The company had kept a low profile until the attack, its offices situated at the end of a hallway in a nondescript mall in central Israel. Since its operations were publicized, however, Aley Shalechet has been the subject of concerted efforts by religious authorities to have its activities banned, saying that it violates Jewish law and desecrates the memory of the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, whose bodies were incinerated in Nazi ovens.