Religion, Nationalism, and Terror

Amira Hass, Like on the first Land Day - Haaretz, November 14, 2007

“Armed Hamas policemen who were stationed in the streets and watching the masses of people marching toward the square, gazed down at the ground. Out of shame. They saw themselves the way the marchers to the memorial rally for Yasser Arafat saw them - like Israeli policemen on the first Land Day in Israel. It was women whose votes had led to the defeat of Fatah in 2006, so it was significant now that many women came to the rally. I saw one woman go up to an armed policeman and dare him: Kill me, you Shi’ite.”

This was related by a devout Muslim, a Hamas adherent who left the movement because of disagreements over matters of principle. The killing on Monday of six participants in the Gaza City rally by gunfire from Hamas police immediately raised questions concerning the strength and weakness of the Gaza Strip government and its rival - the Fatah movement in Gaza. The extent to which this is not a matter of absolutes can be learned from the viewpoints of two devout Muslims.

“The masses who came to the rally did not come for Abu Amar [Arafat] or for Mohammad Dahlan, or because they were promised NIS 200 or a phone card. They came out of hatred for Hamas,” says the former movement activist. A friend of his, who has remained a Hamas activist, agrees: “There has been a consolidation among some of the Fatah activists, because of anger and hatred for Hamas, after mistakes of ours that are impossible to ignore.” He himself approached policemen and asked them to conduct themselves with restraint and not to react to insults. He is convinced that what happened was caused by a loss of control by inexperienced young policemen - not part of a policy. He swears that the leadership’s intention is to reduce repressive ruling measures by the government. And he is convinced that Ramallah told Fatah supporters to initiate provocations and that the Hamas police indeed fell into the trap.
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It is all lies, says the former activist, like the claims that the first to have opened fire were Fatah supporters who had prepared for a confrontation. He supports his claim, inter alia, on the basis of a scrupulous examination of the direction in which the shots were fired. The Hamas police, he says, received a clear order to act with full force in response to any Fatah demonstration of strength.

ANALYSIS: Hamas losing grip on Gaza, Fatah gaining support, Haaretz, November 13, 2007

The Hamas gunmen who sought to disperse the crowd at the rally Monday in Gaza marking the third anniversary of the death of Yasser Arafat did not use rubber-coated bullets or tear gas; they simply opened fire on the crowd, leaving seven dead and dozens injured. In so doing, they added to the pressure under which the Islamic organization is laboring five months after it took over the Gaza Strip from Fatah forces.

Some people in the West Bank Monday were recalling the “million-man rally” held by the anti-Syrian faction in Beirut after the assassination of Rafik al-Hariri, and the wave of protest that brought about the ejection of the Syrian army from Lebanon. Hamas will not give up Gaza so easily - they have nowhere to go - but senior Fatah members believe the rally might mark the beginning of the end of the bloody Hamas regime in Gaza.

Opposition to Hamas in the Strip, and concomitantly renewed support for Fatah, are on the rise, and the recent violence is expected to reduce Hamas’ status further on the Palestinian street, as people in Gaza see Hamas using its terror tactics against its own people.

Abid Katib/Getty Images

Palestinians inspected their homes for damage after the earthen embankment around a sewage reservoir filled and collapsed on March 27, 2007, flooding Umm al Nasser, a village in the northern Gaza Strip.

Steven Erlanger, Gaza’s Reflection in a Foul Threat - New York Times, November 6, 2007

UMM AL NASSER, Gaza, Oct. 30 — Fahmi al-Abrak, 70, was at home on March 27 when a lagoon of human waste broke through its sand embankment and hurtled downhill, inundating this poor village of Bedouins in northern Gaza. “It rose to here in 15 seconds,” he said, pointing to a discolored line on the walls, four feet above ground.

Residents of Umm al Nasser pulled belongings from their homes after the wave of sewage struck their village in March.

Five people died, drowned in the wave of waste, along with scores of goats, sheep and chickens. Nearly 1,000 people had to be taken out of the village. Now, Mr. Abrak said, “I’m afraid to go to sleep at night.”

The lagoon disaster seemed a sort of metaphor for Gaza — overcrowded, lacking in resources, coping with makeshift answers to long-term problems. But the lagoon, which held more than 150,000 cubic yards, is dwarfed by the huge lake of sewage it was built to reduce.

Amira Hass, A moment before the lights go out - Haaretz, November 7, 2007

Alan Johnston, the BBC corresponded kidnapped in Gaza, related in an interview that at a relatively early stage, he started suffering from all kinds of aches because of the water he drank. This was the same water that the kidnappers drank, but Johnston’s unaccustomed body sent warning signals: This is not water that is fit for drinking. And this is the water that reaches most of the taps in the Gaza Strip. Salty, in a few places brackish to contaminated, with an oily consistency. That is clearly felt when bathing.The reason is an ancient one: overpumping because Gaza must make do with the waters from its aquifer alone. It is as if we were to say to the residents of Be’er Sheva: make do with the water that flows nearby. The water sources in the rest of the country are not for you.

Over the last few years, there have been some improvised private and public solutions. Private water purification plants in homes and commercial companies that sell purified water.
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The municipalities, for their part, set up large brackish water desalination facilities and several central taps. Thousands of people go there daily to fill up jerry-cans with water that will not taste like it came from a puddle and will not cause diarrhea, infections, kidney problems and who knows what else.

The electricity and fuel supply to Gaza has already been reduced to below the level of basic human needs. An additional reduction will affect the above solutions to the water problem, and beyond. “To darken Gaza,” as some of the security experts among us have recently proposed, does not end merely with darkened homes at night. You don’t have to be an expert in public health to realize that it would create an endless chain reaction of public health problems and environmental blights.

Hamas leader Ghazi Hamad at his home in Rafah, Gaza Strip

Dion Nissenbaum’s Blog: Checkpoint Jerusalem, October 31, 2007

One of the first Hamas leaders I ever met in the Gaza Strip was Ghazi Hamad, who was then working as editor of a pro-Hamas newspaper in Gaza City.

Among journalists, Hamad was a favored barometer. He was a Hamas confidante who steered clear of some of the standard revolutionary rhetoric you would get from the more stalwart Hamas leaders.

Within Hamas, Hamad is a relative pragmatist and realist who has tried, with some success, to nudge the movement towards political moderation.

Hamad was among those who urged Hamas to run in last year’s legislative elections and ran as an unsuccessful candidate himself. When Hamas took power, Hamad became a spokesman for the new government and public face for PA PM Ismail Haniyeh.

But it now appears that Hamas moderates are being silenced as hard-liners re-assert their dominance.

Hamad has been quietly pushed aside after delivering a caustic critique of Hamas in an open letter to Hamas leaders.

Saladin Sultan and one of his five children stand in the bare family living room in Beit Lahiya, Gaza Strip. Dion Nissenbaum/MCT.

Dion Nissenbaum, Conditions worsen in Gaza as Israel tightens grip, McClatchy Washington Bureau | 10/29/2007 |

“The situation is so bad that you really prefer to die,” Sultan said. “I prefer to die rather than to live a life like this.”

In the four months since Hamas seized effective control of the Gaza Strip in a brutal military takeover, Israel has cut off the desolate region from the outside world and created a political crisis for the Islamist militant group now leading the government here.

Popular support for Hamas appears to be dwindling as frustration builds.

While Hamas managed to restore a semblance of safety to the Gaza Strip, it has failed to do much more. The Hamas-led government enjoys virtually no international recognition. Israel and the United States have rushed to shore up Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who has championed the international campaign to marginalize Hamas.

Now Hamas is confronting intense internal fissures.

Ghazi Hamad, one of the best-known Hamas pragmatists in the Gaza Strip, has been effectively sidelined after criticizing the militant group for leading the Palestinians into an international political ambush.

Acting out of frustration in Gaza - Haaretz, October 30, 2007

One can appreciate the frustration behind the defense establishment’s proposal to sporadically cut the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip: Powerful Israel stands by helplessly while Qassam rockets continue falling on Sderot and the Negev. And these are attacks that in the not-so-distant future may become increasingly more accurate and effective.

The operations carried out by Israel Defense Forces units in Gaza - in which a paratrooper was killed and a Golani Brigade soldier was seriously injured yesterday - are becoming more complicated, according to briefings, because they are increasingly encountering better organized and trained foes.

It is easier for Israel to attack a reactor in Syria than hit nearby Beit Hanun, because it is difficult, if not outright impossible, to avoid civilian casualties there. Cutting off the supply of electricity, fuel and baby food is also a blatant blow against civilians - and only against them. One cannot claim that there will not be a serious humanitarian effect on the Gaza residents when, from the onset, they are subject to a permanent humanitarian crisis.

Attacking infrastructure is always problematic, and many believe that it never achieves anything, even if carried out in response to action targeting Israeli civilians. The inherent assumption in applying more severe sanctions against Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip is that it is easier to bring down Hamas than to defeat it in battle or talk with it, and that every blow against Hamas contributes to the strengthening of Mahmoud Abbas. This is the new idee fixe guiding Israel’s policy in the territories, at least until the Annapolis summit. This approach may collapse, just like the ones that preceded it.

The Gaza Strip is not independent, and will remain so for the foreseeable future. The babies of Gaza depend on the government of Israel more than the Hamas government, and the decision to punish them for the Qassam rockets does not contribute to the safety of the residents of Sderot.

Under Hamas, Gaza is besieged - Los Angeles Times, October 29, 2007

GAZA CITY — The streets are quiet now and the electricity works most of the time. Crime is down and even weapons smuggling is at least being regulated. But four months after Hamas seized control of Gaza, the already precarious economy has been sent into a tailspin as the militant Islamic group reigns over a pariah state.

Although Hamas’ claims that its June takeover has brought peace and order to Gaza bear some credence, its four-day military rout of the Fatah faction has ushered in an abysmal new chapter for the 1.5 million people crowded into this impoverished coastal sliver.

Now more than ever, Gaza is besieged: from the outside by economic sanctions and from the inside by a continuing battle of wills between Hamas and Fatah loyalists.

“Nothing is moving. It’s never happened before,” said Omar Shaban, an economic analyst here. “The backbone of the economy is being destroyed.”

Meanwhile, the government in Gaza, led by deposed Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, continues to hang on through a combination of guile, force and repeated calls for steadfastness from a beleaguered population.

Fatah activists are rounded up and beaten. Members of the security forces are paid with handfuls of cash. New taxes levied to boost revenue have doubled the price of cigarettes and other items.

In response to the Hamas victory, Israel sealed Gaza’s borders in an attempt to strangle an organization that still calls for the Jewish state’s destruction. The international community has largely gone along with the closure. Only Israeli commercial goods and limited humanitarian shipments are allowed in. On Sunday, Israel reduced fuel shipments into Gaza. Nothing is allowed out, leaving merchants on the brink of bankruptcy with their goods accumulating storage fees at border terminals.

In theory, the economic cordon is designed to turn the population of Gaza against the Hamas government. Polls have suggested that support for Haniyeh’s government may be slipping among Gaza residents as their suffering deepens, but Hamas officials seem serenely untroubled at the prospect.

Benziman, One, two, three, testing - Haaretz, October 28, 2007

Experience teaches that subjecting the Palestinians to collective punishment - roadblocks, curfews or economic pressure - has not brought the desired result. Just the opposite: it increases the terror organizations’ motivation to strike at Israel, and increases the number of potential suicide bombers. In addition, the use of collective punishment damages Israel’s image and efforts to gain international understanding for its position in the conflict with the Palestinians. Common sense would thus suggest avoiding this method. To put it simply, in terms of costs versus benefits - the idea of harassing Gazans to the point of depriving them of fuel and electricity deserves to be shelved in light of the price Israel will have to pay for implementing this plan. It can be inferred based on what Olmert told Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas on Friday that he understands this: A statement released after the two leaders met in Jerusalem said the prime minister promised his guest that Israel would not cause a humanitarian crisis in Gaza. If that is the case, then what is the point of publicizing Israel’s plans to impose wide-ranging sanctions on Gaza’s population? Either the intention is to harass them mercilessly, in which case one may question the value of the prime minister’s promise to the PA leader; or to harass them only to a “tolerable” degree - in which case, what’s the point in harassing them?

There is a moral message to the decision, too: When Israel assassinates terrorists and injures innocent bystanders, it claims in its defense that that was not its intention, and that the terror organizations’ operational methods force it to act as it does. It is doubtful that this argument passes the test of morality, since some might argue that if Israel knows from the start that its actions will harm innocent victims, then it should avoid such actions. How much more so when the state walks, eyes wide open, into a moral and legal trap, in preparing to knowingly impose a collective punishment whose purpose is to harm tens of thousands of completely innocent people. So what should be done to combat the Qassams? Instead of trying economic siege and power outages and limited raids and ground campaigns and targeted assassinations - how about trying to reach a comprehensive settlement with the Palestinians founded on a genuine Israeli willingness to give up the territories?

Israel approves Gaza power cuts, BBC, October 25, 2007

Israel’s defence minister has approved sanctions against Gaza, including cuts in the supply of electricity and fuel to try to halt rocket attacks.

Ehud Barak authorised the cuts, which are expected to follow immediately after rocket attacks are launched.

Palestinian leaders say the measure amounts to collective punishment.

Israel supplies 60% of the electricity for Gaza’s 1.5 million inhabitants - but last month Israel declared Gaza a “hostile entity”.

By formally declaring Gaza “hostile”, Israel argues it is no longer bound by international law governing the administration of occupied territory to supply utilities to the civilian population.

Levy, ‘Everything fell apart’ - Haaretz, October 25, 2007

Shifa, the only medical institution in the Gaza Strip that can somehow be called a hospital, was quiet last week. A deathly silence also pervaded the construction site of what is supposed to be the new surgical wing: There are no construction materials to be had anywhere in Gaza, because of the embargo imposed on it by Israel, and work at the hospital has been frozen for several months, too. The wooden scaffolding stands abandoned. There is no shortage of medicines at the hospital, and fuel for the generators that ensure the electricity supply is provided by a donation from the European Union. The holes in the building’s walls were made by gun battles between Hamas and Fatah, which took place here as well. The elevators are not working, which is not unusual.

In the surgical ward, high up on the fourth floor, lies Assad Mahmoud. Upon entering his room, a visitor is perplexed at first: What is this lying here in the bed? It takes a few seconds for the eye to adjust to the unbearable sight. A boy. Half a boy. What’s left of his upper body is exposed, a bandage covers his stomach, to which a drainage bag is attached; bandages cover his three stumps, a blue sheet covers what’s left of his body. His expression is blank, staring, dead. His father Jabar tenderly clutches the remaining wounded hand, his eyes bleary with grief and lack of sleep. For the last three weeks, 40-year-old Jabar has not left his son’s bedside except for occasional trips home to change clothes. He sleeps on the hospital floor at night. The boy’s right leg is amputated above the knee, the left leg below the knee and his entire left arm, up to the shoulder, is gone. A tank shell left its mark on Assad.

Hass, Id al-Fitr lost amid Gaza Strip closure - Haaretz, October 17, 2007

The hermetic closure of Gaza over the last four months has also left its mark on the currency still circulating: The notes are ragged and torn, a visible reminder of the severance of commercial ties between Gazan farmers and manufacturers and their external markets. Only basic necessities are allowed into the strip.

Buying new clothes for Id al-Fitr, which ends the month of Ramadan, is a long-standing tradition to which Gaza children look forward every year. Even during Gaza’s most difficult periods, the tradition of buying new clothes for the holiday continued. Other traditions, like family trips to Israel, lapsed long ago: It has been 16 years since Gazans were last allowed to leave the strip whenever they pleased.

But even those who had money to buy new clothes for the holiday went home disappointed, after discovering that there are no new clothes appropriate for the fall/winter season. That is because Israel has not allowed the necessary raw materials, such as cloth and thread, to enter Gaza. It is no wonder that some shopkeepers have decided to liquidate their businesses.

Appliance and computer stores have empty shelves; even the stock of light bulbs and electric cables is being steadily depleted. People are saving things they would not have saved in the past - even medicines: A. went to every pharmacy in Gaza City yesterday in an effort to buy a medicine imported from Egypt for his anemic wife, but came home empty-handed.

Hass, The 41st kilometer - Haaretz, October 15, 2007

A zoo. This is one of the ways that Palestinians describe the conditions under which nearly 1.5 million of them have been living: in an area of some 360 square kilometers, closed in on three sides by sophisticated barbed-wire fences, concrete walls and military lookout towers, and to the west by Israeli navy ships that seal them off from the sea. Overhead, in the sky, unmanned aircraft and hot air balloons continually photograph whatever happens inside this closed cage, which has seven gates connecting it to the world, all of which are sealed off almost hermetically.

During the past four months, Israel has permitted about 2,000 people to leave the Gaza Strip - a minority of them were ill; more than half were Fatah senior activists or loyalists who were fleeing from the Strip; and the rest were individuals holding dual citizenship or visas for prolonged stays abroad. For the sake of comparison: In 1999, 1,400 people a day went through the Rafah crossing point alone, in addition to the thousands who passed though the Erez crossing point, despite the permanent closure policy. Now, 1.5 million human beings are living with the knowledge that the length of their world is at most 41 kilometers long and 12 kilometers wide….

The governments of Israel, the United States and Europe see the hermetic imprisonment of 1.5 million human beings and the final destruction of Gaza’s economic infrastructure as a suitable answer to Hamas, at least until it falls.

Palestinian Christian activist stabbed to death in Gaza, AP, Haaretz, October 7, 2007

A Palestinian Christian activist who had received repeated death threats was found stabbed to death in a street in Gaza City early Sunday.

Rami Khader Ayyad, 32, was director of the Teacher’s Bookshop, Gaza’s only Christian bookstore, which is run by the Bible Society of Gaza Baptist church.

Health Ministry officials confirmed his death.

Ayyad had been missing since Saturday evening. Over the years he had received repeated death threats from unidentified people displeased with his missionary work.

The Interior Ministry run by Gaza’s Islamic militant Hamas rulers condemned the killing and said it launched an investigation.

“This grave crime will not pass without punishment,” the ministry said in a statement.

About 3,200 Christians live in Gaza, most of them Greek Orthodox. Relations with Gaza’s Muslims are generally good, and have not deteriorated since Hamas wrested control of the strip in mid-June.

But there have been occasional acts of violence, and in April, a bomb severely damaged the Palestinian Bible Society building in Gaza, which has been operating since 1999.