Avi Issacharoff: Hebron settler riots can only be called ‘pogrom’

Hebron, Settlers No Comments

Avi Issacharoff, Hebron settler riots can only be called ‘pogrom’ Haaretz, Dec. 5, 2008

An innocent Palestinian family, numbering close to 20 people. All of them women and children, save for three men. Surrounding them are a few dozen masked Jews seeking to lynch them. A pogrom. This isn’t a play on words or a double meaning. It is a pogrom in the worst sense of the word. First the masked men set fire to their laundry in the front yard and then they tried to set fire to one of the rooms in the house. The women cry for help, “Allahu Akhbar.” Yet the neighbors are too scared to approach the house, frightened of the security guards from Kiryat Arba who have sealed off the home and who are cursing the journalists who wish to document the events unfolding there.

The cries rain down, much like the hail of stones the masked men hurled at the Abu Sa’afan family in the house. A few seconds tick by before a group of journalists, long accustomed to witnessing these difficult moments, decide not to stand on the sidelines. They break into the home and save the lives of the people inside. The brain requires a minute or two to digest what is taking place. Women and children crying bitterly, their faces giving off an expression of horror, sensing their imminent deaths, begging the journalists to save their lives. Stones land on the roof of the home, the windows and the doors. Flames engulf the southern entrance to the home. The front yard is littered with stones thrown by the masked men. The windows are shattered and the children are frightened. All around, as if they were watching a rock concert, are hundreds of Jewish witnesses, observing the events with great interest, even offering suggestions to the Jewish wayward youth as to the most effective way to harm the family. And the police are not to be seen. Nor is the army.

Only once in the last seven years have they been able to harvest their olives

Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Settlers No Comments

Sarah Kraemer, My Story: Olive harvest 5769, Jerusalem Post, Nov. 30, 2008

“Where are we going?” I asked Arik, as we drove out of Jerusalem in his beat up Subaru, with three other volunteers: an older gentleman and a newlywed couple.

I was beginning the New Year of 5769 with a practical mitzva: serving as a “human shield” between Palestinian families, trying to harvest their olive trees in the West Bank, and Israeli settlers, trying to prevent them. My old friend, Rabbi Arik Ascherman, director of Rabbis for Human Rights, had invited me to come with him – to help in a small grove of trees in the southern West Bank. I hadn’t asked for details; scores of volunteers were being assigned daily to olive groves throughout the West Bank – depending on the readiness of Palestinian owners, the weather and the permission of the Israeli Civil Administration. I was happy to be a foot-soldier, and help out wherever I was needed.

“We’ll be in Hebron,” answered Arik, driving slowly past the Beit Jala checkpoint.

Hebron?! Why hadn’t I asked before? A year ago I had visited the old city of Hebron, home of the ancient Tomb of the Patriarchs, burial site of Abraham – the Father claimed by Judaism and Islam. For weeks after, I was haunted by images of humiliation. The Arab bazaar shuttered; Israeli combat soldiers patrolling its eerie, silent streets. Hebrew graffiti, signed with a Star of David – “Policeman, Soldier: I hate you; Death to Traitors” – scrawled on a rusted door. Two Palestinian girls with book bags hurrying to school, heads down under a barrage of foul language from Jewish pupils outside Beit Hadassah. I wondered if I could still get out of the car and go back to Jerusalem.

“We are going to help the Jabari family,” Arik continued, as we drove through the rocky hills. “They only have a few olive trees, but their land is next to the fence of the Jewish settlement in Hebron. Only once in the last seven years have they been able to harvest their olives. In other years, the settlers kept them from reaching their trees and took their olives. We are opening the harvest there, so that doesn’t happen.” As we drove deeper into the Hebron hills, my dread mixed with the joy of a bright, crisp fall day. The clean greens and browns were stunning. The yoreh, first rain, had poured down just two days before, washing the dusty trees and ancient rock terraces after a dry summer, and signaling the start of the olive harvest.

Amira Hass: This is Gaza

Amira Hass, Gaza under Hamas 1 Comment

Amira Hass, This is Gaza, Haaretz, Nov. 27, 2008

If it’s not the power getting cut, leaving entire neighborhoods in darkness, then it’s the water not reaching the top floors or the cooking gas running out. If you have an electric generator, some small part of it is bound to be broken and unfixable, because even before the hermetic three-week siege, Israel prohibited bringing in any spare parts for cars, machines and household electric appliances.

And if you somehow manage to find the money for a generator that was smuggled through the tunnels (its price has doubled or tripled since last month), it’s at the expense of buying a heater (not electric, of course), English lessons, clothes for the children and visits to the doctor.

This is Gaza in November 2008. Just as Gaza is the emptying of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency storehouses and the farmers who sowed and watered, but cannot market, their tomatoes, guavas and strawberries out of the Gaza Strip because Israel forbids it, it is also the calmness with which people receive the sudden darkness and the jokes that there is not much food in the refrigerator to spoil anyway.

Gaza is the ability to tell jokes in any situation, and the burning insult of having no running water for three or four days. And yet, the children go clean and neat to school.

Gaza is the long Nasser Street which has been blocked to traffic for over a year. Its asphalt is torn out and it is riddled with potholes and mounds of sand. When Israel forbade bringing any construction materials and raw materials into the strip, the renovation work stopped on this thoroughfare, the main access to three hospitals, which are always in danger of equipment failure if some part breaks down.

But Gaza is also parents leaving their children alone at home, without fear, or letting them go to a playground far from home, or go by themselves to their grandmother in the Jabaliya refugee camp (in the streets parallel to Nasser Street).

Gaza is reports of policemen attacking Fatah supporters at a university, or the police closing a restaurant for one night because its owners didn’t report in advance about a symposium that was held in the restaurant’s hall, in which Hamas speakers participated and was organized by a research center associated with Ramallah authorities.

Gaza is the teacher who forces school girls to cover their heads, although senior officials assert that this is not the education ministry’s policy. It is exaggerations and false rumors, and it is also the Fatah detainees’ report that cameras were installed in the interrogation room to ensure that the interrogators act within the boundaries of the law. It is the surprise when “Hamas” police restore stolen property, even before it has been reported stolen.

Gaza is the feeling among Fatah supporters that the power has been stolen from them, and their fear of the security apparatus, as it is Hamas’ self confidence. It is the comparisons made with the intimidation methods in Yasser Arafat’s era and exchanging information about the suppression of Hamas activity in the West Bank.

Gaza is the anger of the entire public, including Fatah members, for what appears to be Ramallah’s deliberate neglect and indifference toward the strip and its residents’ fate.

Over 500 former Israeli generals, diplomats and intelligence, military and security officials endorse Saudi peace initiative

Israeli-Palestinian conflict 2 Comments

Senior Israelis back Arab push for peace, Financial Times, Nov. 27, 2008

By Tobais Buck in Jerusalem and Roula Khalaf in London

A group of former senior Israeli security officers has launched a campaign to promote the Saudi-sponsored Arab peace initiative, in a fresh effort to help end six decades of conflict in the Middle East.

The rare Israeli appeal, in a full-page newspaper advertisement this week, was signed by more than 500 former Israeli generals, diplomats and intelligence, military and security officials.

It urged the country not to “ignore a historic opportunity which a moderate Arab world presents us with”.

Last week the Palestinian Authority also published full-page adverts in the Israeli press calling for support for the peace plan.

The attempt to breathe life into the Arab initiative, first proposed by Saudi Arabia in 2002 and endorsed by an Arab League summit, comes amid hopes in the region that the election of Barack Obama may refocus US attention on resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict.

The Arab initiative offers Israel peace and normal relations with all Arab states in return for a full withdrawal from all land occupied in the 1967 war, including Palestinian territories and Syria’s Golan Heights.

The plan calls for creation of a Palestinian state with east Jerusalem as its capital, and a just solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees, who fled or were expelled during the 1948 war between Israel and neighbouring Arab states. But its intention is to provide a general framework, leaving the details of negotiations to the parties directly involved.

The initiative, however, was ignored by Israel and the Bush administration, and poorly marketed by Arab states. Now it appears to be winning praise from Shimon Peres, Israel’s president, and some marketing muscle from Saudi Arabia.

A report published today by the Oxford Research Group, a UK think-tank, calls on the US and the European Union to put the peace initiative at the centre of Middle East policy. The report was drafted following a meeting between influential Israelis and Arabs, including Prince Turki al-Feisal, a prominent member of the Saudi royal family and the kingdom’s former spy chief.

In a foreword to the report, Prince Turki says that as “Israelis become more aware of the quid pro quo offered by the initiative they will see the great opportunity that this vision of a final and definitive peace between Israel and the Arab world offers”.

Danny Rothschild, a retired major-general in the Israeli army and chairman of the group behind the Israeli advert, said this week’s appeal was only the start of a broader campaign.

Anna Baltzer on humiliation at a checkpoint

Checkpoints as Breeding Grounds of Terror 2 Comments

http://www.opednews.com/articles/Held-at-Einab-Junction-In-by-Anna-Baltzer-081124-442.html, Nov. 24, 2008

Held at Einab Junction: Inside Israel’s New Terminals
By Anna Baltzer

Anna Baltzer, a Jewish American activist, was born in Berkeley, California. She graduated from Columbia University with a degree in Mathematics and Economics. She first travelled to the Middle East while studying in Turkey on a Fullbright Grant. She travels to the West Bank every year as a volunteer for the International Women’s Peace Service documenting human rights violations. She supports nonviolent resistance to the Occupation. She is the author of Witness in Palestine: A Jewish American Woman in the Occupied Territories. For more information see www.annainthemiddleeast.com.

When I first visited the West Bank in 2003, checkpoints were controlled by young Israeli soldiers, nervously clutching their weapons and yelling at Palestinians to stay in line. When I returned in 2005, I found many checkpoints replaced by metal turnstiles into which Palestinians were herded to wait for soldiers to push a button, letting them through one by one or sometimes not at all. Each year I return, the method of control over Palestinian movement is further institutionalized, most recently Israeli terminal-style buildings, entirely separating soldiers from the Palestinians whose movement they are controlling.I first encountered one of these terminals after visiting a women’s cooperative in Tulkarem to purchase embroidery to send home. Because there are no reliable postal services in the West Bank, and because I did not want to risk the products being damaged or confiscated by Israeli airport security if I transported them in my luggage, I knew I would have to send them to the US from a post office in Israel. I had traveled from Tulkarem to Tel Aviv once in the past by taking a shared taxi to the nearby Einab junction, where I had walked from the Palestinian road to the Israeli one and caught transport into Israel.

This second time, I was traveling with my backpack and six plastic bags full of embroidery, and I assumed the trip would be as straightforward as it had been in the past. When I arrived at Einab junction, I found a large new building, fortified by several layers of metal fences, walls, and gates. The first layer reminded me of rural parts of the Wall-wire fence reinforced with electric sensory wire and razor wire with a heavy iron gate. The gate was open but nobody was on the other side. I walked through and came to two large iron turnstiles surrounded by a wall of iron bars. The turnstiles were locked. Frustrated, I put down my six bags to rest for a moment. Maybe someone would come back? I waited, but still there was nobody.

I called out. “Hello? Anybody there?”

“Please wait a moment,” a staticky voice above me blared. I looked up to find a speaker attached to the turnstile.

I didn’t have much choice but to wait.

Whoever was operating the turnstiles didn’t seem to be in much of a hurry, so I took out my camera.

“Excuse me!” the voice snapped.

“Yes,” I answered as I took my first photo.

“Please put your camera away immediately!”

“Please let me in immediately,” I answered.

“I said to wait,” said the voice, and I answered, “And I am waiting.”

The light above the turnstile turned from red to green and I put away my camera and picked up my bags to walk through. It was difficult squeezing into the tight rotating cage with all my bags, and by the time I’d made it to the other side, I was hot and cranky. In front of me was a metal detector surrounded by iron bars. I began to walk through but the voice called out from another speaker above:

“Stop!”

I continued through the metal detector and groaned, “What?!” into the air, wondering where he was watching me from.

“Go back and put down your bags.”

I went back through the metal detector and set down my six bags, which were feeling heavier by the minute. I took the opportunity to take another picture. The soldier didn’t bother protesting this time, but ordered me to walk through the metal detector again.

I tried to pick up my bags again but he ordered, “No, without your bags.” I walked through. Nothing happened.

“Now, go back.”

I closed my eyes with a sigh, walked back, picked up my six bags, and walked through again before he could give me the order to do so. Somehow this seemed so much worse than the turnstiles and metal detectors I had seen at Huwwara checkpoint. At least there you could see the people humiliating you. Or maybe it was more upsetting because I wasn’t used to being the one humiliated.

Beyond the metal detector was another set of turnstiles, locked again. I took a deep breath and stared at the red light, hoping to see it turn green rather than let the guard hear my voice crack if I spoke. Thankfully, the turnstile buzzed and I squeezed through to reach the building itself. That was the end of the pre-screening. Now it was time for the real screening.

The inside of the building reminded me of an airport terminal-high ceilings and multiple floors, and multilingual signs for travelers. The ones here read, “Prepare documents for inspection” in Hebrew, Arabic, and English. The signs didn’t clarify where one was supposed to go, however. There were a series of five doors with red lights on top, and I called out, “OK, my documents are ready… Now what?” I had yet to see a human face.

This time nobody answered, so I asked again. Again, nothing. I set my bags down, annoyed. My back was hurting, I was sweating, and I didn’t know where I was or what was going to happen to me. I yelled, “Is anybody there?! Hellooooooo!”

Eventually a second staticky voice came through from a speaker on the wall. “Please proceed to the door.”

“Which door?”

“The one on the left.”

“Left of what? Where are you?”

“I can see you,” the voice said. “Walk backwards and go left.”

I saw a door behind me on the left and carried my bags over to it. Above the door was a red light, which I stared at. Nothing happened. I was ready to cry. “Now what?” I yelled. Silence. I yelled again, even louder.

“What am I supposed to do?!”

“Calm down!” yelled a cheerful soldier walking by on an upper level above me. He was finishing a conversation on his walkie-talkie, and put up his hand for me to wait. I glared at him. “Go there,” he pointed to another door near the one I was standing at, and began to walk away.

“No, please!” I blurted out, forgetting my policy of not pleading with soldiers. “You’re the first human face I’ve seen and I’m starting to lose it.”

He motioned towards the door and promised that if I stood there, the light would eventually turn green. I picked up my bags, approached the door, set them down, and waited. Eventually, the light turned green, this time accompanied by a little buzz that unlatched the full iron door. I expected to find a soldier on the other side, but as the heavy door slammed behind me I found myself in a tiny room with white walls, no windows, and a second iron door. That door eventually buzzed as well, and I struggled to open it as I held my bags, settling to kick one in front of me instead.

The next room had three walls and a double-paned window with a soldier on the other side. The soldier asked for my ID and I slipped it under the glass. He tried to make small talk and asked me what part of the United States I was from. I told him flatly, “For the first time in my life, I want to blow something up.”

He must not have heard me because he let me through to the next tiny windowless room. The next buzzing heavy door led out into the other open-spaced side of the terminal, where I picked up the pace, hoping to get out finally, an hour after I’d arrived. No such luck.

One more soldier behind a window beckoned for my passport again. “Where’s your visa?” he asked, not finding the stamped slip of paper issued by Israel when the passport itself is not stamped. I answered truthfully, “They told me at the airport that there were none left and that it would be OK.” As the words came out, I realized how absurd this sounded, and I kicked myself for falling for it when I’d flown in the week before. How could the airport run out of visa sheets? Wasn’t it more likely that they were deliberately trying to inhibit my travel in the Occupied Territories?

It was hard to blame the soldier, since, for all he knew, I’d snuck in over the hills of Jordan. “Whatever,” I sighed. “Call airport security-I promise I’m in the system.”

I knew it would be a while, so I sat down again. I thought I was past the point of anger until I noticed a line of 25 or so Palestinians waiting outside to come in from the other direction, heading back to Tulkarem. Had they been waiting there all this time? Why weren’t they being processed? I asked the guard holding my passport and he said he’d tend to them after I left.

It was one thing to feel frustrated and humiliated, but another to know that my ordeal had held up dozens of Palestinians from getting back to their homes and families. “Wait,” I said. “Are you telling me that in your fancy new facility you can’t process people coming in two directions? Don’t let the problem with me delay these people any longer.”

He told me not to worry, that the Palestinians were used to waiting. This made me even more upset. I insisted that I would rather wait longer myself, and eventually he beckoned the group forward. I marveled as they waited patiently and yet somehow not submissively, beacons of dignity next to my defeated and angry presence. I took out my camera and took a few photos. Within seconds, a guard appeared next to me-in person, nothing but air between us!-and said sternly, “Come with me.”

I followed the guard back towards the section of the terminal from which I had just come. We passed through the windowless rooms and into a new room with crates on the floor. From there, the guard opened another, even heavier iron door, and motioned for me to pass ahead of him. Expecting the guard to follow me in, I turned and instead found him placing my bags into the crates. Realizing that soldiers were going to go through my bags, I demanded to be present during the search to ensure that nothing would be damaged or stolen. “That’s not possible,” the guard said flatly, and the door slammed shut between me and my belongings.

I kicked the door with frustration, realizing that all my contact information for Palestinian organizers and friends was still on my computer. I realized that I still had my phone in my pocket and quickly called my friend Kobi, an Israeli activist. I told him where I was and asked if he might make some calls on my behalf. He said he’d do what he could and we hung up.

I looked around the room. It was empty except for a chair and an empty crate on the floor. There were no other doors, but there was a two-paned window with a soldier watching me from the other side of it. “What are you looking at?” I snapped at the soldier, and he walked out of view. Another soldier appeared, a young woman. She spoke into an intercom so that I could hear her through the window. “Please take off your clothes and put them in the container on the floor.”

It took a moment for the words to sink in. Once they had, I looked the soldier straight in the eyes, and I began to undress. I removed each piece of clothing slowly, not once taking my eyes off hers. I watched her with a look of hurt. I wanted her to see that she was not just searching me-she was humiliating me. Several times she looked away. When I was down to my underwear, the soldier stopped me; she said that was enough. A part of me wished that she hadn’t. Perhaps if I were completely naked, she would more likely recognize the extent of my humiliation and her role in it.

The iron door behind me buzzed and the soldier told me to place the crate containing my clothes and phone into the room where I had last seen the guard. My other belongings were long since gone, and I could hear soldiers in the next room going through them. When I got back to the room, the soldier in the window was gone. I sat down on the chair and waited. The soldiers next door were chatting and laughing. I imagined them examining my personal photographs and letters. I was too upset to sit still. I stood up and started pacing back and forth in the small room. I had to do something-anything-to express my emotions. If I could hear them, then they could hear me. I began to sing.

I sang an old song that I’d learned at summer camp as a child. Its words were meaningless, but I sang it at the top of my lungs. Within seconds, the female soldier was at the window, looking alarmed. I waved. I sang that stupid song until my voice hurt. It felt good to sing-I felt empowered. It was easier to act like a crazy person than a prisoner. If I was unpredictable, then they had lost the power to control me.

Half an hour passed. Or was it an hour? My energy had worn off and I sat down miserably on the chair. I was tired. The soldiers were gone from the next room now. What was taking them so long? It was cold in the room, and I had nothing to cover myself with. I began to shiver and rock back and forth on the chair. I had no more energy to yell. I began to cry. I cried for what felt like a long time. Eventually, the female soldier appeared in the window. I could tell she felt bad for me. I looked away. The door buzzed and she instructed me to open it. On the other side was a jacket and a cup of water. I put on the jacket and drank the water to soothe my throat, but I was unimpressed. I didn’t want a jacket or water. I wanted my freedom to leave. I wanted my dignity back.

Time passed. I stopped looking at the soldiers and talking to them. I stopped thinking of ways to pass the time or express myself. I didn’t even feel like myself anymore. I felt empty, defeated. I just sat and waited, with a feeling of profound loneliness.

After what felt like an eternity, the iron door buzzed and I opened it to find all my clothes and bags in a large pile brimming over the tops of the containers. The soldiers had emptied every single item separately into the crates. The papers from my notebook were strewn about loosely. Each piece of embroidery had been removed from its protective wrapper and crumpled into a pile. A can of tuna had been opened and left amidst the hand-sewn garments. Even the boxes of Turkish delight-a soft sticky candy covered with powdered sugar, which I’d brought for some friends-had been opened and rummaged through.

The only thing stronger than my anger was my desire to leave. I sat down miserably and folded everything back into my bags. I was crying uncontrollably, but I bit my tongue each time I was tempted to speak. When I was dressed and ready, I stood up, collected myself, and tried to open the door. It was locked.

“The door’s still locked,” I informed the soldier watching through the window.

“Yes, please wait a little longer.”

“Why?” I asked. “You saw everything I have. You know I’m not a security threat, and surely you know by now that I have a visa.”

“I’m sorry but you’re going to have to wait,” she said.

I couldn’t hold myself back any longer. I lost it. I opened up my bags and took out what was left of my canned tuna. With my fingers, I began to spread the oily fish all over the window.

“What are you doing?” asked the soldier, disturbed.

“You don’t respect my stuff, I don’t respect yours,” I answered.

Next, I opened a box of Turkish delight. “I’m not going to stop until you let me out,” I announced as I began mashing the gummy cubes into the hinges of the iron door.

“OK, OK,” said the soldier’s voice over the intercom. “You can go now.” The door buzzed.

I gathered my bags and walked out. A soldier was waiting for me on the other side. He gave me my passport and said I was free to leave. I called Kobi as soon as I was outside. He said it was the US Consulate that had helped get me released. The army claimed they were holding me because of the photographs I had taken inside the terminal. Interestingly, they hadn’t bothered to delete the images from my camera when they searched my bags.

I told Kobi what had happened. I felt as if I had lost a part of myself inside that terminal as I had slowly lost control. Kobi reminded me that even the option of losing control was a sign of privilege-Palestinians who behaved as I had would not likely have been freed. I tried to imagine what it would be like to endure such an invasive screening every day of my life.

Kobi told me a story about his Palestinian friend, Sara, whom he’d met in Maryland. Sara would frequently travel back and forth between her home in Palestine and the United States, where she was studying. Each time she returned to Palestine, she was able to walk right through the checkpoints. She had enough confidence to just assert her will and go through, simply by the fact that she was used to being treated like a person. And each time, after a few months in Palestine, she would lose that ability.

In just a few hours I had gone from empowerment to craziness to submission to destructiveness. What would I become after months of such treatment? What about a lifetime of the even worse treatment that Palestinians experience?

It was dark outside the terminal as I hung up the phone. I had been held for 3 hours, and there were no more buses running. I could see the lights of a settlement on a nearby hill. I began walking in what seemed like the direction of Tel Aviv. I stuck my thumb out to the occasional passing car, and eventually a settler stopped. He moved his gun out of the front seat so that I could get in. Feeling lousy about it, I accepted a ride to the nearest bus stop from where buses were still running to Tel Aviv. I boarded the first bus out and cried the whole way back to the city.

It is not good to be Gideon Levy on “Life of Sarah” Sabbath in Hebron

Gideon Levy, Hebron No Comments

Gideon Levy: Despite everything, Hebron is still Palestinian, Haaretz, Nov. 23, 2008

The Pachao family was out Saturday for a Sabbath walk. Sarah and Yosef pushed the baby carriage, and the little ones, Ahuva, Gershon, Hananel and Noah, crowded into the carriage or walked behind it. Why did you come to live here, I asked? “Because of the good air.” The Pachaos, who are members of the Bnei Menashe, immigrated from India, near the Myanmar border, 10 years ago.

They were returning from Sabbath prayers at the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron, along with thousands of other Jews, who walked through the car-free street. This week’s portion was “Life of Sarah.” The Pachaos’ Asian appearance was not the only outstanding thing along the road connecting Kiryat Arba with Hebron, and its “House of Contention.”

A stranger coming to Hebron Saturday would be confused. Border Policemen speaking Amharic with settlers; their Druze friends chattering in Arabic; police, soldiers and settlers praying together in the Abraham hall; American and French Jews armed with machine guns; a sea of tents on the grass in front of the tomb structure. Above all, the surreal look of an abandoned Palestinian quarter, emptied of its inhabitants, a ghost town.

Through the protective wire fence erected to block settlers’ stones, occasionally the face of a terrified old woman, a frightened child or an embittered man would appear, shut up in their cage. It is not difficult to imagine what they felt Saturday on “Life of Sarah” Sabbath, which tells how Abraham purchased the cave for 400 pieces of silver.

The ridiculous visored cap I wore, which covered half my face to prevent the settlers from identifying me, failed in its duty. It is not good to be Gideon Levy on “Life of Sarah” Sabbath in Hebron. “Take your garbage and get out of here now,” thugs threatened here and there. But generally the Jewish quarter was very tranquil, and a “holiday atmosphere” prevailed, as they say. Only toward evening did menacing knots of young boys in their Sabbath white shirts begin to gather.

Congo: Five Million Dead and Counting

Congo War No Comments

Michael J. Kavanagh, The disaster in Congo is all the more tragic because it was utterly avoidable, Slate, Nov. 14, 2008

Five Million Dead and Counting

There are more than 1 million displaced people in North Kivu, 250,000 of whom have been displaced in the last monthThere are more than 1 million displaced people in North Kivu, 250,000 of whom have been displaced in the last monthIn the North Kivu province of eastern Congo, people are living in ditches along the sides of roads. They’re filling up the floors of churches and schools. Displaced people are surrounding the compounds of bewildered U.N. peacekeepers. Young boys and men are hiding in the forest to avoid being killed or forced into armed groups.
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“There are only girls left in the schools in my village,” one 13-year-old boy told me. The day before, he and three friends had run from rebel soldiers who’d come to kidnap them.

There are now more than 1 million displaced people scattered throughout the province. In the last 10 years of fighting, more than 5 million people have died in the Congolese conflict—mostly civilians who haven’t had access to enough food or health care because of the fighting. And let’s be clear: That’s 5 million and counting.

In many of the displaced communities, only the generosity of neighbors keeps people from starving. The insecurity in the region makes it dangerous for aid groups to provide humanitarian support. Consequently, tens of thousands of average citizens have let strangers stay in their homes or yards and work their fields in exchange for a little food.

But now, many of those host families are displaced, too. One in five Kivutians has left home because of the fighting. People are terrified and starving, and it is an utter disaster that is all the more tragic because it was utterly avoidable.

Earlier this year in Goma, U.N. official Phil Lancaster told me, “As much as the international community can feel responsible for Rwanda, it should feel even more responsible for what happened here in Congo.” Lancaster knows what he’s talking about. As a U.N. soldier, he watched the 1994 genocide happen in Rwanda. And until September, he led the U.N. program that encouraged Rwandan Hutu rebels who’d been living in Congo since the genocide to go home.

Gorenberg: The Case for Putting a Mideast Peace Agreement First

Israeli Peace movement, Israeli-Palestinian conflict No Comments

Gershom Gorenberg, The Case for Putting a Mideast Peace Agreement First | The American Prospect, Nov. 14, 2008
Barack Obama should address the need for an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement sooner rather than later.

Time’s up. Despite the bluster at George W. Bush’s Potemkin peace conference in Annapolis one year ago, Israel and the Palestinians will not reach a peace agreement by the end of 2008. Please folks, don’t all faint at once from surprise.

Barack Obama will inherit this mess, along with all the others. Very soon, he must decide how quickly to throw his weight behind Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, what to aim for, and how to succeed where so many others have failed.

The answer: Move fast, very fast. Ignore all advice from old diplomatic hands wholl tell you to avoid big, difficult issues and to stick to crisis management and interim accords. Seek a full end-of-conflict agreement. And apply lessons from your electoral campaign: Enforce absolute message discipline in your own team, and employ dramatic public events and rhetoric to restore peoples belief that change is possible.

The temptation for delay is obvious. The list of crises facing Obama starts with the economic collapse, Iraq, and Afghanistan. But as he’s said, “A president has to be able to do more than one thing at a time.”

Immediate, high-profile engagement with Israel and the Palestinians would be the clearest proof to frustrated American allies in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world that the Bush years of American unilateralism are over. Reaching an agreement would end the tension between American support for Israel and maintaining warm ties with moderate Arab regimes. It would eliminate one of the main causes of anti-Western resentment in the Arab world, reducing the influence both of Iran and of radical Sunni Islamicists.

By acting quickly — addressing the issue before he formally takes office and perhaps in his inaugural address, and by visiting the region early next year — Obama can exploit the awe that his election inspires. A small example: The daily Haaretz, normally a frighteningly staid newspaper, covered its entire front page on Nov. 4 with a photo of Obama, one hand held high, facing what looked like a pillar of cloud in the distance, as if he were Moses leading the Israelites out of Egypt. The headline, in English, was “Yes We Can.” In January, Obama will still be a symbol of transformation. If he waits two or three years, he will be a shopworn president.

Sacrificing the Jews for Christianity

Christianity, Antisemitism, and the Holocaust 1 Comment

Sacrificing the Jews for Christianity – Haaretz, Nov. 14, 2008
By Sergio I. Minerbi

At the onset of the present discussion, the Vatican claimed that Pius XII did not know about the Nazis’ mass murder of the Jews. When this was proved false, and it was shown that the Pope was well aware of the Jews’ sufferings, the Vatican then claimed that the thousands of Jews who had been saved after being hidden in monasteries in Rome in 1943-44 could only have survived as a result of a direct order from Pius XII. But with the exception of a bishop in Assisi, no priest has ever claimed to have acted upon instructions from Pius XII. We must therefore conclude that these churchmen sheltered the Jews mainly for religious or humanitarian reasons, which were dictated by their own consciences.

Pius XII was mainly a diplomat, and he had no pastoral experience. The professional approach of a diplomat is to believe that complicated issues can be solved by a “note verbale,” a diplomatic letter. Hence, the Holy See sent a note to the Slovakian Legation deploring the regulations against people guilty only of belonging “to a particular race,” but to no avail. No other action was taken, though, such as, for example, issuing a threat of excommunication against the Slovakian president, Monsignor Jozef Tiso. No public statement condemning the deportation of the Slovakian Jews was ever issued by the Vatican, and only such a statement could have impressed the leaders of some European countries.

We do not need to wait for the opening of Vatican archives to know that never, neither during World War II nor afterward, did Pius XII call the Jews by their name. They were generally described as those “poor people” who suffer because of their national origin or race.

A few years ago, in response to the initial announcement of the candidacy of Pius XII for sainthood, I published, in a professional journal in Italy, a historical essay on the Pope and the Jews of Rome. On October 16, 1943, the Nazis rounded up about 1,200 Jews from their apartments there, and sent 1,024 of them to Auschwitz. All but 15 of them were killed.

As I demonstrate in my study, an ongoing negotiation took place at the same time, between the Nazi government, through its ambassador to the Holy See, Ernst von Weizsacker, and the Pope. The German foreign minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop, agreed to recognize “the neutrality of the Vatican,” in exchange for a declaration from the Holy See regarding the “good behavior” of the German troops in Rome. On October 29-30, the Vatican’s semi-official daily Osservatore Romano published a front page article stating that, “the German troops have respected the Roman Curia as well as the Vatican City.” Was the deportation of the Jews the price for the liberty of the Vatican?

Three days after the deportation, on October 19, Pope Pius XII received the diplomatic representative of the United States, Harold H. Tittman, Jr. The only subject raised by the Pope was the defense of Rome against eventual communist attacks. Not only did the Vatican refrain from taking a public stand decrying the murder of the Jews during the war, but even after the end of hostilities, when the Nazi danger had disappeared, the Vatican saw fit to actively assist former war criminals, such as members of the Croatian units of Ustasha and their leader Ante Pavelic, in emigrating to safe haven in Argentina. After the war, the Jews asked Pius XII to return to their families Jewish children who had been hiding in Catholic institutions, even if their parents were dead. The Vatican’s response to this demand was to send an order to Nuncio Roncalli (later Pope John XXIII), then in Paris, ordering him not to give back children who had been baptized during the war without their parents’ knowledge or consent.

Gideon Levy: As everyone knows, the occupation of Gaza has ended, and the Strip has been completely liberated

Gideon Levy No Comments

Gideon Levy, ‘The ebb, the tide, the sighs’ Haaretz, Nov. 13, 2008, Friday Magazine

The young fisherman is now in hospital, feeble and pale, one leg in a cast held in place by iron screws. He is awash with pain. His mother does not leave his bedside. A blind Palestinian physician takes him for a brief physiotherapy session in the corridor. Mohammed Masalah leans on a walker. The blind orthopedist encourages him to take one step and then another, but the pain defeats him and he asks to be taken back to bed.

The sea is the same sea and the Arabs are the same Arabs, as an Israeli prime minister once said. Only the cease-fire is no longer the same cease-fire. On land and in the air it is generally maintained, but not at sea. There, Israeli forces continue to shoot at fishermen from besieged Gaza, who are trying to wrest from the sea a living that is so difficult to make on land.

Gaza’s 40,000 fishermen have been deprived of their livelihood. Before the siege, they caught 3,000 tons of fish a year; now it is 500 tons. The fishing season begins with the advent of winter, when schools of fish migrate from the Nile Delta and the waters off Turkey toward the Gaza area. But few of them are now entangled in the nets of Gaza’s fishermen. Today, most of the fish can be found about 10 miles offshore, in an area that is off-limits to the fishermen. Israel has restricted them to a six-mile limit, though sometimes navy boats attack at three miles – just to keep the fishermen honest.

The siege makes it hard to obtain fuel for the fishing vessels, and also the sea is polluted with 50 million liters of sewage every day, following the collapse of the sewage infrastructure in the Gaza Strip. Israel’s fish markets are also closed to merchants from Gaza.

Schoolgirls sprayed with acid in Afghanistan

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Sally Sara, Schoolgirls sprayed with acid in Afghanistan, ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation), Nov. 13, 2008

Attackers have sprayed acid in the faces of up to 15 schoolgirls in Afghanistan.

The teenagers were walking to their all-girls high school in the southern city of Kandahar when they were attacked by two men on a motorbike.

The men used a toy gun to spray acid in the girls’ faces.

Some of the victims were wearing Islamic burqas, which gave them some protection, but several received serious acid burns.

No one has claimed responsibility for the attack.

Local officials believe it may be an attempt to stop local girls from attending school.

NATO-led forces in Afghanistan have condemned the act as cowardly.

India Police Say They Hold 9 From Hindu Terrorist Cell

Hindu nationalism No Comments

India Police Say They Hold 9 From Hindu Terrorist Cell – NYTimes.com, Nov. 11, 2008

By HARI KUMAR
Published: November 11, 2008

NEW DELHI — For the first time in this Hindu-majority nation of 1.1 billion people, the police have announced the arrest of people who are accused of being part of a Hindu terrorist cell.

Police officials in western Maharashtra State said they had arrested the nine suspects and charged them with murder and conspiracy in connection with the bombing in September of a Muslim-majority area in Malegaon, a small city. Six people, all Muslims, died in the explosion, which was among a string of terrorist attacks in Indian cities in recent months.Blame for several of these attacks has been placed on radical Islamist groups; one group, calling itself Indian Mujahedeen, claimed responsibility for several attacks. But the arrests of the Hindu suspects in the Malegaon bombing raised the possibility of another source of terrorism, involving a radical Hindu fringe.

“This is a very dangerous trend,” said Ajit Doval, former chief of India’s Intelligence Bureau, who added that it could undercut efforts to bolster pluralism in India.

Those arrested by the police antiterrorism squad in Maharashtra over the past two weeks included a Hindu nun with links to the principal opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, and an army colonel, who is suspected of having provided ammunition and training to the bombers.

Haredi woman represents Meretz in Knesset–and she has a pet dog

Ashkenazi Haredim, Israeli Culture War, Israeli Religious Right, Meimad and the Religious Peace Movement in Israel No Comments

Tali Farkash, Who is a haredi? Ynetnews, Nov. 7, 2008

Meretz MK Tzvia Greenfield cannot call herself a haredi and at the same time support her party’s platform.

“Say, is she really haredi?” a non-religious colleague asked me yesterday. “The one from Meretz, the one who said Shulamit Aloni was a great Torah scholar, you know, the one who’s a member of B’Tselem and everything, it says that she’s haredi. Is it true?”

I gave her a lame excuse to avoid answering the question, because the truth was I wasn’t certain myself. The question of “Who is a haredi” once again occupies the ultra-Orthodox public these days. The swearing-in of Tzvia Greenfield to the Knesset this week as Meretz’s sixth MK brought back to life an ancient debate. The “Tzvia Phenomenon” (there’s no other way to put this), has already baffled quite a few Israeli citizens, haredim and seculars alike. The incomprehensible combination of a heretical agenda and a God-fearing haredi is hard to digest.

Many people, including me, fail to understand how it is possible to bridge the gap between the views shared by Meretz voters, who believe that the Bible is a collection of folklore tales, and haredim who believe it is the divine word of God.

But on the brink of the abyss between the two sides stands Tzvia, one foot here and the other there, and with impressive skill manages to feel like she is part of both sides at the same time.

It appears that a PhD in philosophy, like Greenfield has, is necessary in order to bridge this impossible gap.

To be honest, I do not presume to be able to put together complex sociological tests and determine the criteria for being a haredi. So, what was it that bothered me so much about Greenfield and made me label her a stranger to the haredi camp?

Well, I could live with the fact that sheowns a dog as a pet, although with us fish and birds are more popular. I can also forgive the television set at her house. Many good haredim own one, although I will never let one cross my doorstep. I can live with her definition of the Zaka organization as “necrophilia lovers.” Why be petty? Even her impression that haredi women are “ignorant creatures, baby-making machines” is insulting but not impossible to swallow.

Not this

But neither I nor you, Tzvia, can sanction, in the name of God almighty, the desecration of the Shabbat, bringing illegitimate children into the world, homosexuality, abortions, and any other bone of contention between believers and heretics. Issues that are an inseparable part of your party’s platform, and let me give you a little hint, Tzvia – they don’t quite adhere to the Torah’s views on these matters.

Amira Hass: Powerless in Gaza, residents rely on the tunnels

Amira Hass No Comments

Amira Hass / Powerless in Gaza, residents rely on the tunnels – Haaretz, Nov. 10, 2008

Since Sunday morning, Gaza City has gone back to readying for long blackouts. In the Tel el Hawa neighborhood in the southern part of the city, the electricity went out at 8 a.m. When children came home from school, the lights had still not come back on. When their parents returned from work, the electricity was still out.

The parents had to climb six stories with baskets from the market; even when the lights are working, it’s best not to use the elevators, because you never know when the power will be cut. The sun set, and 8-year-old Karim told his father it would not be his fault if he couldn’t study for his English test, and brought home a 98 instead of 100 (he had been promised NIS 20 for a perfect score).

In the center of the Gaza evening, car headlights cut the darkness on Omar al Mukhtar Boulevard, the Champs Elysees of Gaza City.
On Wednesday, Israel closed all crossings into Gaza and stopped the fuel supply, including industrial fuel. The Gaza power station can supply 80 megawatts a day, but needs 3.15 million liters of industrial fuel a week to do so. Starting January 17, however, Israel began reducing the supply, and the power station only gets 2.5 million liters a week.

The extreme right has sought to establish a ‘balance of terror’ – Haaretz

Settlers 1 Comment

ANALYSIS / The extreme right has sought to establish a ‘balance of terror’ – Haaretz, Nov. 3, 2008
By Amos Harel

The debate over whether to broadcast interviews with Yitzhak Rabin’s murderer should not be allowed to overshadow Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin’s worrying comments before the cabinet Sunday.

As usual, the initial media reports of these remarks were not entirely accurate: According to Diskin’s office, he never explicitly mentioned the possibility of another political assassination.

He merely said that right-wing violence has “gone up a level,” and that further diplomatic concessions could “create a situation in which live weapons would be used to stop the process.”

However, the Shin Bet confirms that a political assassination is one of three main possibilities that Diskin foresees. The others are attacks on Arabs and attacks on members of the security services.

Less than a year ago, in December 2007, the Shin Bet assessed the likelihood of a right-wing extremist attack on what it believes to be the two primary targets – Israeli politicians and the Temple Mount – to be relatively low.

Even though the Annapolis peace conference had taken place a month earlier, the security service argued that as long as extremists saw no real prospect of settlements being evacuated, they were unlikely to resort to violence.

So what has changed since then?

Primarily, the “price tag” policy launched by extremist settlers has become a major factor in developments in the West Bank.

The policy’s roots lie in the August 2005 disengagement from Gaza and the subsequent destruction of nine houses in the West Bank outpost of Amona about six months later.

Ever since then, the extreme right has sought to establish a “balance of terror,” in which every state action aimed at them – from demolishing a caravan in an outpost to restricting the movements of those suspected of harassing Palestinian olive harvesters – generates an immediate, violent reaction.

Even if this reaction cannot stop an evacuation, the theory goes, the damage it causes – whether the victims are Palestinians or Israel Defense Forces soldiers – will cause the government to think twice before ordering additional evacuations.

Diskin said that hundreds of people are regularly involved in extremist violence, and if necessary, they could recruit another few thousand people for a violent confrontation.

In recent months, the Shin Bet has discerned a gradual rise in right-wing violence. Even though settlers still see no great likelihood of settlements being evacuated in the near future, the fact that senior government officials such as outgoing prime minister Ehud Olmert, Kadima leader Tzipi Livni and Labor leader and Defense Minister Ehud Barak all speak constantly of the need for such an evacuation increases the sense of being under pressure.

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